Recognise the benefits of integrating the rest of the Balkans into the EU

This article is originally published in a Danish newspaper “Magazinet Europa”

It’s telling that the most important milestones of the EU’s enlargement policy are closely tied to Denmark. In 1993, the “Copenhagen criteria”, which set the conditions for EU aspirants, were defined by the EU Council, then headed by Danish prime minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen (S). In 2002, when Denmark was heading the EU Council again under prime minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen (V), a historic decision was made to expand the Union to 10 new members. Fast forward to autumn 2019, and, in the context of enlargement to the Western Balkans, Denmark was one of the countries that opposed opening accession talks with Albania and North Macedonia. Denmark, once one of the strongest advocates of EU expansion, now finds itself rather sceptical on the Western Balkans’ enlargement dossier.

Our delegation from six Western Balkan think tanks, each of us representing the civil society in each country, recently visited Denmark and met with several political and non-governmental organizations. As the trusted voice of the civil society from the region, we fully understand the concerns of Danish citizens and politicians about the Western Balkans joining the EU. Our countries are still far from fulfilling the EU membership criteria. But our political leadership needs a strong prospect of EU membership in order to undertake the necessary political reforms and to establish of functioning institutions and rule of law. At the same time, we fear that ignoring and relegating the Western Balkans accession process due to more pressing issues at home is doing harm both to the EU and to the Balkan region itself.

It should not take a lot of political courage to explain to citizens that the opening of accession talks with one candidate country does necessarily mean that the country will eventually join the EU unprepared. Look at the so-called “front-runners” from the region – Montenegro and Serbia: they have been negotiating EU membership for years but have been stuck in the process due to their inabilities to demonstrate a strong reform record on democratic performance and rule of law. The opening of accession talks should be seen – as it really is – only a small step in a long and demanding accession process. In fact, it is the EU and its member states who set the rules and assess the results. At the same time, moving forward in the process bears immense symbolic importance for a candidate country, to the extent that its political stability can be threatened, as is currently the case in North Macedonia. To overcome the yearlong name dispute with Greece, the country even changed its name to finally embark on its accession talks with the EU. But despite doing its proverbial homework, North Macedonia has been blocked in the process – this time not by Greece but Denmark. That undermines our trust in the promises made by the EU, and makes us wonder if we have been given a chance at all?

These are some examples which show that the current method for accession negotiations is ineffective. On the one hand, the region’s political leaders have few domestic incentives to reform, knowing that the benefits of the EU integration process stretch far beyond their political mandates. On the other hand, the EU is unable to deliver on its promises towards the region. Therefore, the EU Commission has put forward a proposed revision of the accession process, which imposes stricter requirements for democratic, judicial and economic reforms on candidate countries. Denmark should see this as an opportunity not to be missed for making EU enlargement to the Western Balkans a success story, and to avoid possible democratic backsliding post-accession, which we have seen in Hungary and Poland. Our region should suffer from collateral damage of that or any other problem we did not cause. 

As citizens of the region determined to make a better future for the next generations, we pledge for a strict and merit-based accession process that would result in a transformation of our countries and societies to respect European values. In our view, for this to happen, three crucial ingredients are needed.

The first is the political courage of the EU member states to acknowledge all the benefits of having the rest of the Balkan region (with a total population smaller than Romania’s) as part of the bloc, as well as the risks associated with continued neglect. Following Brexit, the EU’s expansion to this region would offer new export opportunities for Danish companies. Moreover, the counties of the region are not only geographically, but also historically and culturally part of Europe: for instance, Bosnians are among the best integrated communities in Denmark. Moreover, three countries of the region are NATO members. And both the EU and the Western Balkans are concerned with climate change and intercontinental migration. However, the EU’s fading engagement in the region is already resulting in the stronger presence of other global powers such as China and Russia, a phenomenon expected to further intensify should the EU remain passive.

Secondly, the EU’s stronger political engagement needs to be accompanied by greater support to civil society in the region, the real agents of transformation. The EU should empower and reassure those actors who are interested in strong democratic institutions, freedom of the media, an independent judiciary, and the eradication of widespread corruption and organised crime. Functional democracy is a guarantee of political stability, but in the absence of a credible membership perspective, the region’s strongmen will find that their only chance of staying in power is by nurturing a nationalist and conflict escalating rhetoric.

Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo have been stuck for years in the process of being granted official candidate status due to statehood issues, which has left their citizens disillusioned about their European perspective. 

Finally, the accession process itself needs to be rewarding for political elites. For them to engage in potentially politically costly reforms, they need to receive tangible rewards from the EU upon delivery. Offering access for the region to some areas of EU policy at different stages in the process, as is proposed in the EU Commission’s revised enlargement methodology, would serve as a stabilising factor for political systems in the entire region.

Now is the time to act. If this opportunity is missed, the Western Balkans risk another lost decade marked with new potential instabilities. If skilled and educated young people do not see a European perspective at home, they will take on existing opportunities to migrate and seek better living conditions in the EU themselves. This leaves our homes more prone to populism and dangerous nationalist conflicts, depriving the Western Balkans societies of their long-term economic potential. Conversely, if we increase the membership dialogue and mutual engagement now, we can go a long way in making the entire European continent a safe and sustainable place for living. It is in Denmark’s security, economic and civic interest to invest itself in this dossier and to reap its benefits.

TEN Network:

*  Arbëresha Loxha, Group for Legal and Political Studies (GLPS), Pristina, Kosovo;
*  Anida Šabanović, Foreign Policy Initiative (FPI), Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina;
*  Dina Bajramspahić, Institut Alternativa (IA), Podgorica, Montenegro;
*  Sena Marić, European Policy Centre (CEP), Belgrade, Serbia.
*  Gjergji Vurmo, Program Director, Institute for Democracy and Mediation (IDM), Tirana, Albania;
*  Stefan Ristovski, European Policy Institute (EPI) Skopje, North Macedonia;

Europeans who make a difference and inspire us all

This text is previously published on the EEAS website.

During my recent visits to the Western Balkans, I had the opportunity to meet exceptional and impressive people from all walks of life. Focus usually lies on my meetings with political leaders. But now I want to highlight the exchanges I had with the people of the region: young activists who want cleaner air and a greener region; women with the drive to achieve our joint European future and who fight for a bigger role in resolving conflicts. I hope all these people with great ideas, expertise, talent and determination will play a significant role in advancing the EU accession process of the region. They must have this role, if this process is to succeed.

Our policies often sound complicated, but in essence they are not. Joining the EU means ‘building the EU at home’: in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia, Kosovo and North Macedonia. The success of our Western Balkan partners in ‘building the EU at home’ does not only depend on the performance of governments and EU institutions. While this is essential, the real success depends on the engagement of the people in these societies, on the actions of citizens, shaping the society in which they and their children can prosper.  

In this context, I am very proud of our recent campaign dedicated to the people of the Western Balkans, called Europeans making a difference.

This campaign does exactly this: it gives a platform to people – in this case women of the Western Balkans – who move boundaries, who inspire and open doors for others.

In our work we come across ‘Europeans who make a difference’ every day. With this campaign, we want to highlight their stories not just because they are good, genuine human stories. But also because their stories are not known enough in our EU Member States, and not visible enough in the Western Balkans either.

If fame is important in the age of social media, if fame is power – and experts say it is – then we want scientists to be famous and influential. We want people who fight for equal societies to be famous, as well as those who support entrepreneurship and make people thrive. We want champions who feel a duty to give back to be famous, as well as exceptional artists who stand for what is right – all building societies in which there will be no limits for anybody. And speaking of limits, there are none for determined young women like Mrika from Kosovo who decided to climb the Seven Summits, the highest peaks on every continent, before the age of 18, and then she did it!

I have said it many times, and will repeat again: the EU is not complete without the Western Balkans. To complete the EU, make it stronger and more prosperous, we need people like our campaign protagonists Selma Prodanović from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Nataša Kovačević from Serbia, Tamara Todevska from North Macedonia, Detina and Argita Zalli from Albania, Mrika Nikçi from Kosovo, Maja Raičević from Montenegro.

We are well aware of the challenges in the Western Balkans and the transformations that need to happen to ‘build the EU at home’. People featured in our campaign are indispensable for those transformations and for inspiring others to participate. Their knowledge and contribution are necessary for ‘building the EU’ in the Western Balkans.

Their stories are reminding me of why the EU accession path of the Western Balkans is so important for all of us in Europe. The process is about and for the people.

And, this process needs to succeed – in the best interest of all people in Europe.  

Rule of Law in the Western Balkans: Joint event of the Clingendael Institute and TEN

The Think for Europe Network, together with the Clingendael Institute, organised the “Rule of Law in the Western Balkans: Necessary Steps Ahead” panel discussion at the premises of the Clingendael Institute.

Strengthening rule of law remains a key challenge in the Western Balkans and represents one of the greatest obstacles facing the EU accession processes of the six countries of the region (Albania, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Serbia). Necessary steps moving forward in the area of rule of law were discussed at this event. The first panel, “Rule of Law: stagnating or backsliding,” discussed key challenges faced by countries in the Western Balkans in the area of rule of law and experiences in implementing relevant reforms especially in areas such as the judiciary and freedom of speech, as well as the fights against corruption and organised crime. The panellists for this event were Member of Parliament Anne Mulder, Member of the House of Representatives of the Netherlands, Research Director of Institute Alternative (the TEN member organisation from Montenegro) Dina Bajramspahić, and research fellow of the Clingendael Institute Wouter Zweers.

“The negotiation process has flaws and should be improved, but we are surprised by the lack of understanding of the enlargement process by some member states. The problem is that our political elites only focus on elections and short-term strategies,” said Bajramspahić.

In the second panel, a researcher from European Policy Centre (TEN secretariat and member organisation from Serbia) Dragana Bajić, and Janneke Fokkema from the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs discussed problems facing the free media and freedom of expression in the Western Balkans region. “States are inventing more latent and indirect methods to shrink the space for impartial reporting, which makes the journalist’s job not only unsustainable but insecure and endangered,” noted Bajić.

The event was moderated by Head of the Clingendael International Sustainability Centre, a senior research fellow at Clingendael Institute and Coordinator of Clingendael Research on EU in the World Louise van Schaik.

Photo Credit: Clingendael

Rule of law in the Western Balkans: Necessary steps ahead

The Clingendael Institute and the Think for Europe Network (TEN) are jointly organising this event. 

Establishing the rule of law remains a key challenge in the Western Balkans and represents one of the greatest obstacles in the EU accession process of the six countries of the region (Albania, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Serbia).

Rule of law: stagnating or backsliding

While the EU’s membership conditions in this area have become stringer than in any previous enlargement round, and despite the EU’s employment of a more sophisticated monitoring mechanism, the actual performance of these countries on rule of law matters is rather modest. In fact, the countries are either stagnating or backsliding, a trend that has not only been confirmed by the reports from the European Commission, but also other independent indices like the Freedom House index.

This event will discuss the key challenges faced by countries in the Western Balkans in the area of rule of law and experiences in implementing relevant reforms especially in areas such as the fight against corruption and organised crime, the judiciary and freedom of speech.

It brings together experts from the Think for Europe Network – Institute Alternative (Podgorica, Montenegro) and European Policy Centre (Belgrade, Serbia), the Clingendael Institute (The Hague, Netherlands) and their networks, diplomats, politicians, policy and decision-makersrule of law in the western balkans: necessary steps ahead, and other practitioners. It is a public event, aimed at facilitating and encouraging public discussion.

Programme (17 OCT 2019 13:00 – 16:45)

13:00 – Registration and coffee (Hall)

13:30 – Developments in the Rule of Law in the Western Balkans

  • Anne Mulder (Member of Parliament and rapporteur Western Balkans for the Parliament)
  • Dina Bajramspahic (Research Director, Institute Alternative, Montenegro)
  • Wouter Zweers (Research Fellow, Clingendael Institute)

15:00 – Coffee Break

15:30 – Free Media and the Freedom of Expression

  • Dragana Bajic (Researcher, European Policy Centre, Serbia)
  • Janneke Fokkema (Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs) 

16:45 – Informal reception            

The event will be moderated by Louise van Schaik (Head Europe in the World, Clingendael Institute)

Registration

Please join us. Seats are limited. Sign up here.

The Western Balkans and the EU: Reassessing the relationship

The European future of the Western Balkans (WB) is increasingly uncertain. While the countries of the WB have been promised a European perspective, conditions for becoming part of the EU have become much stricter compared to previous enlargement rounds. At the same time, the EU’s appetite for accepting new members has decreased due to numerous internal factors. As a result, the EU’s enlargement policy seems to be stuck in limbo. What are the potential benefits of the EU’s expansion to this region? What kinds of options are possible for making the accession process more effective? What is the role of the enlargement in the context of wider debates on the future of Europe?

In cooperation with the Finnish Institute of International Affairs, on 19 September 2019 we organised a seminar The Western Balkans and the EU: Reassessing the relationship in Helsinki, Finland. The seminar reflected on the current state of play with regard to the advancement of the Western Balkans in the EU accession process, brought forward potential benefits of the EU’s expansion to this region, discussed the possible options for making the accession process more effective, and put it into the context of wider debates on the future of Europe. These topics were discussed by:

– Ms Kaisa Penny, Director, Kalevi Sorsa Foundation from Finland

– Ms Milena Lazarević, Programme Director, European Policy Centre from Belgrade, Serbia

– Mr. Sotiraq Hroni, Executive Director, Institute for Democracy and Mediation from Tirana, Albania

– Mr. Keijo Karjalainen, Deputy director, unit for South-Eastern Europe, Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland

Moderator was Ms Emma Hakala, Senior Research Fellow, FIIA

Video recording of the panel discussion can be found here.

Balkan Civic Practices: Promoting civil space

Civil society has an extremely important role in achieving sustainable social and democratic change, but CSOs and civil movements in the Balkans, and even around Europe, still lack enough space in order to achieve this change. The debated Law on Freedom of Association in NGOs in Kosovo and the regressive legislation changes in Montenegro, GONGOs rising in Serbia and Poland, smear campaigns by media and politicians against civil society leaders and activists in Slovakia and Romania and elsewhere… All these phenomena contribute to what we call a ‘shrinking civic space’. Instead of securing the democratic checks and balances and letting citizens express their views through CSOs and spontaneous groups, many governments take the other direction – limiting the freedoms in public spheres. While regressive forces are trying to consolidate their partnerships and are identifying common “enemies”, CSOs and activists lack spaces for their work. However, by limiting the freedoms and spaces, governments face a growing resistance in Europe. Again, civil society activists and organizations are at the forefront to resist these dangerous restrictions of liberties and growing tensions within societies. Citizens keep mobilizing and fighting for the freedom of expression, the right to peacefully gather and to join forces through associations, movements and so on.

It is with these challenges in mind that this Balkan Civic Practices edition brings together professionals, academics and activists from the BCSDN and its partners in the region, to debate what can be done to promote civic space in the Western Balkan countries and further. The second Balkan Civic Practices edition shares stories of CSOs actions in times of shrinking civic space in the Balkans and the wider Europe. From joint action by building national and transnational, thematic and cross-sector alliances, to creating synergies between traditional civil society organizations and non-formal social movements, the contributions of this edition give valuable practical examples of successful actions towards promoting civic space and preventing its further shrinking, while also discussing innovative organizational development approaches centered around resilience, accountability and powerful narratives to empower civil society in this struggle. The aim is to inspire and learn from each other, to reaffirm the collective voice in the joint struggles and to encourage coalition-building across regions.

For more information, please visit: http://bcp.balkancsd.net/our-stories-of-resilience/

TEN one of the best think tank networks in the world

31th January 2019 – We are proud to inform you that the Think for Europe Network (TEN) has been selected as one of the best think tank networks in the world, according to the ranking of prestigious US program of the University of Pennsylvania, which has been ranking world’s best think tanks and think tank networks for 12 years.

On the occasion of the publication of this Report, in 80 countries in the world and in more than 330 institutions and organisations, the events on which the Report is presented were simultaneously held. For the second time, Serbia is among countries that participated in this huge initiative, at the event organised by the European Policy Centre (CEP), the Think for Europe Network Coordinator.

You can find the 2018 Go To Think Tank Report Index here.

Europeanisation Beyond Process

In January 2019, Think for Europe Network started implementing two-year long project “Europeanisation Beyond Process” in the framework of the Network, supported by the Open Society Initiative for Europe (OSIFE). The Project Coordinator will be the European Policy Centre – CEP Belgrade.

Under this project, TEN will strengthen cooperation with renowned think tanks from Germany, France, the Netherlands, Italy and Finland, in order to improve the quality of communication on the EU enlargement in the broader framework of the forthcoming re-definition of the EU and its future. Our approach in this project is to advocate not for the plain EU accession but rather for the WB as an entirety that has been going through numerous improvements in the democratic governance and rule of law structures, improvement of the economic governance processes as well as ambitious reform agendas for public administration.

Apart from reaching out to the influential European capitals and engaging with the EU policy scene, TEN will, thanks to the support of this grant, conduct activities to improve our research, communication and advocacy skills. By further increasing our internal capacities, TEN ultimate goal is to make Western Balkan countries substantially involved in the debates and policy solutions pertinent to the future of Europe.


Period: January 2019 – January 2020
Donator: Open Society Initiative for Europe (OSIFE)
Project Coordinator: European Policy Centre – CEP, Belgrade
Contact person: Sena Marić, CEP Programme Manager and Senior Resarcher (sena.maric@cep-org.rs)

Interview with Natasha Wunsch, WeBER Advisory Council Member

Natasha Wunsch, Postdoctoral Researcher, Center for Comparative and International Studies (ETH Zurich), WeBER Advisory Council Member

The WeBER project offers a valuable and objective bottom-up assessment on ongoing reforms in the public administration sector across the region. By complementing international evaluations, WeBER demonstrates both the interest and capacities of local civil society actors to monitor the implementation of key reform processes in their countries and their ability to come together in a regional forum to address common challenges jointly.

What are the main challenges for the Western Balkan countries in the implementation of comprehensive reforms? Why does it take so long?

The Western Balkans have a long road ahead when it comes to fulfilling EU membership conditions. Not only have accession requirements become increasingly detailed and comprehensive over the course of the past enlargement rounds, but the Western Balkans region, due to its recent experience of violence conflict, also faces particular challenges when it comes to demonstrating full preparedness for EU accession. Besides complying with the already extensive conditions set out in the EU acquis, the Western Balkan countries need to resolve persistent and often highly politically sensitive bilateral disputes while implementing comprehensive reforms across multiple sectors. The main challenge is therefore the combination of limited political support for further enlargement on the part of the EU and limited capacities to undertake the steps necessary to complete accession negotiations on the part of the Western Balkans. In light of this dual challenge, the perspective of an EU accession for Serbia and Montenegro by 2025, as mentioned in the Commission’s recent strategy, appears very ambitious.

Regional cooperation appears to still be an issue among Western Balkan countries. In your opinion, how can civil society support strengthening of the regional cooperation, particularly in the context of EU accession process?

 Civil society can play an important role when it comes to promoting cross-border dialogue and engaging in trust-building measures between populations involved in outstanding bilateral disputes. Such activities would prepare the ground for a successful implementation of any political agreement reached between governments and serve to communicate the benefits of regional cooperation to the wider population.

The EU as well is facing important challenges at the moment. What is the role of the civil society in today’s EU and can it contribute to resolving those challenges?

Civil society plays an important rule in connecting political elites to citizens, and can facilitate open dialogue on ongoing political debates. Moreover, civil society can act as a vector for transnational cooperation and build a foundation for initiatives grounded in a European, rather than a narrow nationalist perspective. Still, it is important to recognize that mobilisation occurs not only among reform-minded actors, but on the contrary often involves populist factions from different countries supporting each other in their contestation of the EU’s legitimacy. Those actors in civil society that are seeking to promote a European understanding and a common approach to the manifold challenges European integration faces today therefore find themselves up against considerable opposition.

What is the impact of the WeBER project in the Western Balkan countries and do you think it is sustainable?

The WeBER project offers a valuable and objective bottom-up assessment on ongoing reforms in the public administration sector across the region. By complementing international evaluations, WeBER demonstrates both the interest and capacities of local civil society actors to monitor the implementation of key reform processes in their countries, and their ability to come together in a regional forum to address common challenges jointly. The sustainability of this project will depend on the commitment of the partner organisations and the willingness of external actors to support the ongoing operation of the project. For the region, it would be very valuable to maintain the close ties and invest in the expertise built by the project partners over the past three years.

 

Interview with Gregor Virant, Former Minister of Public Administration of Slovenia, WeBER Advisory Council Member

Gregor Virant, Former Minister of Public Administration of Slovenia, WeBER Advisory Council Member

During the accession process, WeBER can effectively complement the EU and particularly SIGMA work with a unique insight into the developments and improve public awareness of the importance of PAR. Also, it should to knock on the doors of the ministers and draw their attention to shortcomings. After the WB countries obtain membership in the EU and the external pressure and scrutiny over PAR will weaken, WeBER could become even more relevant as regards assessment of national public administrations.

Western Balkan countries appear to advance slowly towards the EU membership. What do you think are the main reasons for this? Do you believe this slow pace is a shared responsibility of the EU and the Western Balkans?

Yes, it is a shared responsibility. On one hand, there is still a lot of work for the WB countries to meet the standards for membership. On the other hand, the EU is overwhelmed with internal problems (illegal migration, the rise of populism, threats of trade wars) which has a demotivating effect to candidate countries and shifts the EU’s focus from enlargement to troublesome internal issues.

What are the biggest challenges for the Western Balkan countries in the public administration reform process and what are the common issues among the countries of the region?

 The main challenge is the lack of political will and commitment. If the prime minister and ministers are interested in a particular area of public administration reform, things advance very fast. Look at the administrative services and e-government in Macedonia 5-10 years ago, or at the same area currently in Serbia. On the other hand, ministers in some countries are still not interested in having highly competent senior civil servants, they value loyalty higher. There is a serious lack of government strategic planning and evidence-based policymaking. The political commitment would help to set up the basics, all the rest is easier. If there is no political commitment, copy-pasting perfect legislative solutions or sophisticated methodologies is to no avail.

How can civil society efficiently “fight” for more participation in the policymaking and EU accession processes?

By exercising positive pressure, showing the governments the mirror image, reaching out to the media with critical observations and above all by raising awareness of the general public that the fate of their countries is in their hands and that they have the right to demand good governance.

Could you share with us your experiences with the public administration reform process in Slovenia? What were the biggest obstacles during the process of reforms and what can Western Balkan countries learn from Slovenia’s experience?

There’s a good practice in the recruitment of top-managerial civil servants where we have found a good combination of neutral assessment of competences on one hand and political discretion to enable “chemistry” between the ministers and their top-level team in the ministry. We have also established a good and sustainable system of filtering administrative burden as a part of impact assessment in the process of government decision making.  We are also an example of how fast bureaucracy can rust if there is a lack of political commitment. In recent years things have deteriorated and people have noticed it.

In your view, what would be the greatest benefit of the WeBER project?

During the accession process, WeBER can effectively complement the EU and particularly SIGMA work with a unique insight into the developments and improve public awareness of the importance of PAR. Also, it should to knock on the doors of the ministers and draw their attention to shortcomings. After the WB countries obtain membership in the EU and the external pressure and scrutiny over PAR will weaken, WeBER could become even more relevant as regards assessment of national public administrations.

*This interview has been made as a part of the ninth issue of TEN Newsletter.